In Alice and Wonderland, the Queen believed six impossible things before breakfast. We present just one conjecture, far-fetched at first glance, but based on evidence. The Conservative Party, as frequently observed, is no longer conservative. But it is worse than merely a liberal dilution of its former self. Our belief is that the most successful political party in British history has fallen to the diabolical ideology of cultural Marxism.
This is quite a charge, but please bear with us. To begin, let us clearly state what we mean by cultural Marxism. The Guardian portrays this concept as anti-Semitic conspiracy theory, but we use it literally. The working classes in Western nations had failed to act as expected by Marx and Engels, refusing to stage Bolshevik-style uprisings, but while Stalin was enslaving and eradicating millions of peasants, kulaks and priests, the critical theorists of the Frankfurt School were adapting Marxism from its original economic determinism to a radical onslaught on the prevailing culture. The ultimate goal was the same, but for revolution to succeed, the traditional values and institutions of society outside of state control must be overcome. Illustrating this shift, left-wing student protestors in 1968 drew inspiration from Chairman Mao, who unleashed the Cultural Revolution. The main targets of cultural Marxism are family and faith, which are seen as power structures that deter a rational Utopia of social justice.
‘Creation is a bore, annihilation is a joy’, wrote American sage Michael Walsh of cultural Marxism. A passion for destroying everything is an unashamed trait of anarchists, but it was also a driving force for Karl Marx. Like Proudhon, Marx foresaw the redundancy of the state, but instead of simply wrecking the structures of society he sought a new world order, primed by a ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’. The revolutionary Communist Manifesto, in reality, led to the polar opposite of liberty for anyone with the misfortune to be born on the wrong side of the Iron Curtain, or in the ‘people’s republics’ of China, Albania, Cambodia, Cuba, North Korea and Venezuela. Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Marxism never works and always brings grinding poverty and almost as often brutal tyranny. A morality-free Year Zero is the scariest proposition to humanity.
In his book The Devil’s Pleasure Palace, Walsh described the conflict between the Unholy Left and conservators of Judaeo-Christian heritage. In the USA the unremitting assault on Western tradition was led by Herbert Marcuse, who fled from the Nazis and took a chair at Colombia University in New York. Merging Marxism with Freudian ideas of sexual repression, Marcuse portrayed conventional family and marriage as the fount of neurosis. When the USA was embroiled in Vietnam, he coined the phrase ‘make love, not war’. The sexual revolution tested moral boundaries, with a small but vocal minority demanding legalisation of sex with children. In Britain, Antonio Gramsci is better known than the professors of the Frankfurt School. Jailed for communist agitation in Italy, Gramsci mused in The Prison Notebooks on how to create the conditions for revolutionary success. Unlike the rapid, violent uprising of October 1917, dismantling of the prevailing culture would be a slow process, popularly encapsulated by Rudi Dutschke as the ‘long march through the institutions’.
The march against traditional ways and mores is almost complete. Political correctness, an unduly mild euphemism for cultural Marxism, has taken fun out of childhood, humour out of comedy, melody out of music, beauty out of art and architecture, opinion out of debate, principles out of policy. Yet people have scarcely heard of the critical theorists who led us on this path, and few are aware of the concept of cultural Marxism. This is the great success of the project. The war was won not with bullets, but with bullet points from the lectern. Truth has been deconstructed, and society has meekly submitted to the new cultural hegemony. An ideologically-tuned intelligentsia has risen to the top of organisations, turning businesses, public services and arts into vehicles of cultural Marxism. Infused with the repressive tolerance of Marcuse, they divide the world into a Manichean good versus evil.
Surely the Conservative Party is a bastion against this subversive ideology? The likes of John Redwood, Andrea Jenkyns, Bill Cash, Mark Francois, Philip Davies, Andrew Bridgen, Priti Parel, Jacob Rees Mogg and others in the ERG are exempt from our charge. Suella Braverman deserves special mention for warning of the scourge of cultural Marxism. But they are a backbench minority in a parliamentary party that is as Tory as the Tate Modern. Last week on Question Time, Amber Rudd responded to an 80% vote on the Conservative Home website to oust Theresa May, by sneering at ’a certain type of reader’. In other words, real conservatives don’t count.
Theresa May once characterised the Tories as the ‘nasty party’, which she has tried to dispel with policies more at home in a 1970s Labour manifesto. Her predecessor ‘Call me Dave’ Cameron was an arch-moderniser who gave safe seats to careerist pretenders, causing some of the difficulty today over Brexit. It is nine years since the Conservatives returned from the political wilderness to take power, but any hope of Cameron’s government sweeping away the social engineering of ‘New Labour’ soon evaporated. The Tory administration has acted in the most unconservative manner conceivable in every department. May is at best a social democrat, but judging by her actions, her robotic mind has been hacked by cultural Marxists.
Let us present the case for prosecution against May and her fellow fake Conservatives.
- The sexual revolution. A majority of the British public supported Cameron’s gay marriage law, although this was not in the manifesto, and many felt that it was unnecessary given civil partnerships. Numerous persons have since been sacked by employers or arrested for voicing the stated creed of Christians, Jews, Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs that marriage is between a man and a woman. A supposedly liberal polity treats such opinion as ‘homophobic hate speech’. But May’s government has advanced from redefining marriage to promoting transgenderism. She is removing parents’ right to withdraw their children from LGBT-inclusive ‘relationships and sex education’. Kids not long out of nursery will be brainwashed on gender fluidity. Teaching material already used in hundreds of schools states its aim as to ‘smash heteronormativity’. Another leaning package boasts of ‘queering primary schools’. That a Conservative government would consider supporting such a brazen attack on traditional family values is absurd – and troubling.
- Multiculturalism and demographic replacement. Mass immigration is like a Ponzi scheme: we are told that an ageing population needs younger people to pay taxes, but immigrants use services and consume finite resources, and as they grow old they’ll need further immigrants to pay for their welfare. But the cultural Marxist motive for immigration is not really economic, it is cultural. As democratic elections don’t produce desired results due to ‘thick Sun-reading plebs’, a new electorate is being imported. This has long been suspected of the Labour Party, which has made clients of ethnic minority voters. Why has the Conservative government allowed immigration levels to remain so high? Perhaps fake Tories want, like Tony Blair, to ‘rub our noses in diversity’. The government gleefully signed up to the UN Migration Pact, which makes migration a right and criticism of immigration a crime.
- Rejection of Enlightenment values. Freedom of speech and democracy are the essence of Western civilisation. But today we rarely hear people utter the once common refrain ‘it’s a free country’. The police scan social media for ‘hurty words’ instead of tackling the rise of violent crime. Tory ministers are earnest censors, colluding with tech companies to evict popular conservative or libertarian influencers from social media. The government has funded the witch-hunt activities of left-wing or Islamist groups such as Hope not Hate and Tell Mama. This is Marcuse’s ‘repressive tolerance’ in action. Communist regimes punish thought criminals more severely than murderers, because the truth is dangerous. The government is working towards making ‘Islamophobia’ a crime, which means that criticising aspects of Sharia law, halal slaughter or stating the fact that Mohammed took a young girl for his wife, will bring police officers to your door.
- Post-nation globalism. After 17.4 million voted to leave the European Union, our representatives in Westminster have refused to enact the largest mandate in history. Instead, May and the Civil Service concocted a ‘Withdrawal Agreement’ that would condemn our great country to vassalage. Having little pride or belief in Britain, May and the Remain rearguard see Brexit as a mistake that must be minimised. Laws and policy should be decided in Brussels and Davos, unconstrained by democratic inconvenience or naïve notions of sovereignty.
So, clear evidence of anti-conservative policy, with obvious strains of cultural Marxist ideology. But we should not be too pessimistic. The march of subversion has never gained a foothold among the ordinary people, however much they are forced to comply with the imposed values. Society is deeply divided between a privileged, virtue-signalling class that benefits from globalisation and the provincial folk beyond the M25 who are rooted in family, community and country. Populist parties are thriving across the West, as a backlash to the progressive new world order. The Conservative Party is on the wrong side of the Kulturkampf, falling for the fool’s gold of identity politics. As Walsh suggests, cultural Marxism is quicksand to the rock of Jerusalem and Athens: –
For the Unholy Left’s philosophy to be correct, we must reject the experience and empirical evidence of thousands of years of human history in favor of a relatively recent ‘intellectual’ construction that arrogantly assigned all virtue to itself.
We shall leave the last word to the late Robert Conquest, whose third rule of politics explains the current state of the Conservative Party: –
The simplest way to explain the behaviour of any bureaucratic organisation is to assume that it is controlled by a cabal of its enemies.
Author: David Kurten.
First published in The Salisbury Review. (http://www.salisburyreview.com/articles/no-stebbings-in-much-middlemarch/)
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